Abstract
The article discusses the grammatical status of the ‘support particle’ że prefixed in colloquial Polish to the enclitic person markers of the past tense. It is argued that the use of this particle, identical with the complementizer że ‘that’, is not only phonologically but also grammatically motivated, even though it is true that attachment of bare person markers to certain hosts is blocked for phonological reasons. A crucial role in the process of its rise may have been played by the identification of person markers across moods, the enclitic person markers of the past tense being identified with the affixal person markers of the irrealis, which occurred only in conjunction with the irrealis marker and could only be moved together with it. It is hypothesized that this induced the rise of an enclitic conjoint realis plus person marker as a pendant to the conjoint irrealis plus person marker. Clausal complementation provided the source context for the introduction of że as a realis marker in addition to its original function as a complementizer.
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